Who shapes politics? The question is not quite so easy to
answer as it may seem. In what some politicians consider the good old days, politics
was fashioned by the public official running for office, a handful of political
associates, party leaders and a few old boys in the establishment media
network.
In the modern period, party bosses have all but disappeared;
the media network has expanded to include, comedians, Hollywood starlets and
bloggers; both political parties have been shorn of much of their power through
campaign reforms; primaries have made party convention decisions much less
decisive; and politicians – if they are not incumbents – may have half a dozen
reasons for entering the campaign jousts.
Albert Camus was once asked why a friend of his had committed
suicide. He gave the question some thought and replied that a man may have two
reasons for committing suicide. Just so, a man or woman may have multiple
reasons for entering a political contest.
Consider the meandering modern campaign as represented by life
and times of Susan Bysiewicz. Having served
as Secretary of State for a number of years, Ms. Bysiewicz decided she would
like to be governor of Connecticut. Her short lived 2006 gubernatorial campaign
ended abruptly when she withdrew from the race. Ms. Bysiewicz then decided to
run for governor in the 2010 election. Her prospects seemed promising: In a
poll taken at the time, 44% said they would vote for Ms. Bysiewicz, while only
12% said they would vote for then Stamford Mayor Dan Malloy, her nearest
competitor. Ms. Bysiewicz dropped her gubernatorial bid in January following an
announcement by then Attorney General Richard Blumenthal that he intended to
run for a U.S. Senate seat soon to be vacated by U.S. Senator Chris Dodd. Ms.
Bysiewicz’s run for attorney general was frustrated by an ambiguous rule that
seemed to require those running for attorney general to have trial experience.For the record, this
commentator and others argued that the rule, since amended, was ambiguous, dumb
and possibly unconstitutional, according to a provision in the state
constitution that sets only an age requirement as a
condition for public office. When U.S. Senator Joe Lieberman announced his
retirement from the Senate, the prize upon which Ms. Bysiewicz had set her eyes,
perhaps from the very beginning of her battered career as a public servant,
finally seemed accessible. Ms. Bysiewicz ran for Mr. Lieberman’s seat but lost
to Chris Murphy.
In the good old days, some political boss reeking of cigar
smoke would have piloted Ms. Bysiewicz from her position as Secretary of State
into the U.S. Senate without all the painful twists and turns.
That was then.
Since the days of John Bailey, Connecticut’s last Democratic
Party boss, and Governor Ella Grasso, about whom Ms. Bysiewicz wrote a book, campaign
financing is done “off shore” by political operatives not formally associated
with state parties; heads of state rather than emasculated party chairmen have
become political musclemen; the context of state political campaigns is written
and directed by hired political guns in the Washington D.C. Beltway; and
meandering politicians are the rule rather than the exception.
The modern political theatre resembles nothing so much as the Luigi
Pirandello’s play “Six Characters in
Search of an Author.” When the Pirandello play was first shown at the Teatro
Valle in Rome, people in the audience, used to a more formal
structure in which directors and playwrights rather than the characters of a
play determined the thrust of the performance, cried out "Manicomio!"
(“Madhouse!”) In the modern political theatre, madness appears normal, and all
the characters invent their own personas.
The definitional borders of our politics – most importantly
its constitutional borders – are disappearing. Social borders and social
compacts also are disappearing. Why should it surprise us that politicians
wander, dazed and sometimes lacking a moral compass, through a borderless social
and political wasteland? Without confining limits, politics is free to flow as
it will across a barren flatland. Without ideas – and most importantly, without
a commitment to ordered liberty – thinking is suspended, as if in a dream.
Without firm political and social structures in place, liberated politicians
energetically set about fashioning gilded cages for the governed.
In any autocratic form of government, especially one in which
experts rule, the ruling authority requires only your money – not your
permission – to govern. This anti-democratic afflatus is, for the committed
authoritarian in a one-party state, a red badge of courage, a boast and a brag.
In the autocratic permanent administrative state, one of the few spheres of
human activity left unregulated in a politics without limits, everyone is free
in his own way: Rulers are free to rule; and the ruled are free to obey.
Comments
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At this point I agree with Professor Donald Livingston, Emory U. emeritus, that the nation is simply no longer a republic, primarily because it has become too large. Worse, it has since the Civil War dedicated itself to being too large. The administrative federal government has grown to facilitate the social justice agenda of the managerial elites and the mass electorate. It has emasculated the once sovereign states, and now they are more or less administrative arms of the national government. Increasingly, laws are not made by the citizens or their representatives in open deliberation, but are massive complexes constructed behind closed doors by legislative staffs , by administrative regulators, and (misinterpreted) by unaccountable judges. Our current national Executive changes or refuses to enforce laws without compunction. Celebrity, notoriety, and name recognition, rather than issues or character are the focus of elections. That, and satisfying special interest appetites.
But, at this point I'm not sure what can be done. I'm sympathetic with Mark Levin's push to amend the Constitution, but have no expectation that he'll succeed. Amendments I'd like would return rights to states and individuals as against the national government; read the "commerce clause" narrowly(e.g., growing wheat for non-commercial reasons not subject to federal regulation as "affecting interstate commerce"), read the citizenship provisions of the 14th amendment narrowly (i.e., anchor babies are not citizens), and get rid of the incorporation doctrine through which the Bill of Rights has been applied to states.
But what's the point if neither the electorate nor the elites are interested in being limited by any constitution?
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For me the glass is not even half empty, let alone half full. It feels as if self-government and rule of law are banished. Yet, there are signs of an awakening. I am very encouraged by the special election down in Pa. Tuesday. Maybe my exuberant pessimism is slightly irrational. We can certainly hope so.
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In a stunning upset, the York County businessman, taking a stand against the state’s political establishment of both parties, made state history by winning a special election for the Pennsylvania state Senate — in a write-in landslide, defeating both the Republican and Democrat nominees.http://spectator.org/articles/58439/scott-wagner-beats-gop-establishment