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Debunking We Will Go

Lowell Weicker

CTMirror has put to bed – “debunked” – one hopes forever, the notion that the 1991 Weicker income tax was intended to be temporary. No doubt most people, when the tax was enacted, knew in their bones that nothing is so permanent as a temporary tax.

The notion, still quivering with life in 2019, that the Weicker tax was to be temporary “said Emily Thorson, a Syracuse University political scientist who has written articles about misinformation in politics and is currently writing a book on the subject,” may have been the result “of people trying to piece together information in a fragmented media environment.”

Yes indeed. Fragmentation occurs a good deal in campaigns, largely owing to the yawning gap between campaigning and governing. Weicker strongly intimated during his campaign for governor that there would be no income tax. Instituting an income tax in the midst of a recession, he memorably said, would be like “pouring gas on a fire.” Once elected governor, Weicker debunked his own reservations against the tax by forcing the tax through a reluctant General Assembly. It was a bit like driving a square peg into a round hole, but with a little banging and political bribery – more common in politics than the Democrat impeachers of President Donald Trump would have us believe -- the Maverick governor got the job done.

It was obvious at the time that the income tax was to be permanent. CTMirror quoted Weicker on the point: “When I sign this budget Connecticut will be closing the book on its past, and it’ll be facing toward the future.” And, the publication added, “The public record is unambiguous. On Feb. 13, 1991, Gov. Lowell P. Weicker Jr. told a joint session of the General Assembly of his intention to make sweeping and permanent changes to Connecticut’s tax system — sharply cutting the sales, corporations and investment income taxes and imposing a tax on wages.”

Attached to the income tax bill was a constitutional provision setting a cap on spending, an inducement to wavering legislators to vote in favor of pouring gas on the income tax flame lit by Weicker. That cap, never operative, was finally put to bed, decades later, by Attorney General George Jepsen, who pointed out that the cap had always been inoperative because the General Assembly had neglected to supply necessary definitions to enable the fictitious cap. Not so with the income tax, which was swarming with definitions.

Pro income tax supporter Bill Cibes, who served for many years on CTMirror’s board of directors, was appointed Office of Policy Management guru in the new Weicker administration, and years later he served on the commission that was to provide definitions to implement the inoperable constitutional cap on spending. Cibes, called by the New York Times “Weicker’s shadow,” had urged the abolition of the spending cap.

Politics itself is confusing because seasoned politicians are masters in the art of befuddling the public. More often than not they are successful.

The income tax was sold by Weicker as a broom that would sweep into the dustbin all the niggling little taxes swamping Connecticut. Under the first two Democrat Governors since 1991, the income tax had been raised by Malloy, following campaign pledges not to raise  the tax further, and in the Lamont era all the niggling little taxes have been broadened to include pretty much everything but tolls, a vampire that has retreated to its coffin, there to await a more propitious moment.

Lamont, Weicker’s protege, campaigned on a truck only toll plan; once elected, he switched to what must have been his default plan all along, which involved 58 toll gantries on multiple state highways; then sensing the smell of political grapeshot in the air, he proposed tolls on bridges that would, once the bridges were repaired, be – wait for it – temporary.

Of course, we all know there is no such thing as a temporary tax. But, years hence, after multiple tolls have permanently been erected on multiple highways --  proceeds from the tolls to be dumped into the state’s revenue catch basin, the general fund – how many of the state’s commentators would be surprised should someone declare that tolls taxes were supposed have been temporary?

This political confusion is the natural consequence of political chicanery. One suspects that Emily Thorson's book, when it is finished, will be so large as to be unreadable. And the real problem with the CTMirror report is not that it deservedly killed a false notion, but rather that there are so many live debunkable notions prowling about Connecticut that are left unassaulted. As Oscar Wilde once said when a socialist asked him why he had not bothered to make a careful study of socialism: “My dear, there are only so many hours in the day.”

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ADDENDA


YANKEE BITES BACK -- According to the New York Times, the Boston Globe and the Hartford Courant, Weicker pitched a sunset provision for state income tax multiple times in 1991, and the 1992 budget created a tax commission that “could conceivably ‘sunset’ the income tax in 1993,” according to the Boston Globe.

According to a July 12 article in the Hartford Courant, Weicker’s budget “includes one unexpected wrinkle – a proposal to have the entire revenue structure expire in 1994 unless readopted.”...

Weicker used the sunset provision to garner support among unwilling Connecticut legislators as 1991’s budget battle stretched into the summer months.


In a televised speech on July 17, 1991, Weicker offered to end the tax in 1993, which would have made the income tax essentially a one-year deal to boost state revenue. https://yankeeinstitute.org/2019/12/03/temporary-income-tax-myth-has-roots-in-weickers-pitch-to-lawmakers-public/?fbclid=IwAR0KyZrec4Wl56U3UXBaP_Au4aIObKJH6SsxqOXk0PYn_MpK7TEcUqi_cKI





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