Anyone who has been following Connecticut Commentary –
and the stats suggest many people are – knows I
have written extensively on cities, territorial pools more or less owned
by Democrats over the years. Here are some few columns,
all of which have been printed in a handful of Connecticut newspapers.
In one of them, I fell to my knees and beseeched
Republicans not to cede this fertile ground to Democrats. That cry has not
resonated with many Republicans, but it should. And by Republicans I mean the
whole enchilada: Republican leaders
safely ensconced in the General Assembly; Republican worker bees of every kind;
African American and Hispanic Republicans who have found, much to their
surprise, that one of the chief difference between the Republican and
Democratic Parties is that The Republican Party is NOT a closed shop; and minorities
and whites who have survived the left leaning biases of academe and are
familiar with the history of both parties from the post-Civil War period
through 1964, when the Civil Rights Act was established.
The Civil Rights Act, it will be recalled, enforced the
constitutional right to vote, conferred jurisdiction upon the district courts
of the United States of America to provide injunctive relief against
discrimination in public accommodations, empowered the Attorney General to
institute suits to protect constitutional rights in public facilities and
public education, to extend the Commission on Civil Rights, to prevent
discrimination in federally assisted programs, to establish a Commission on
Equal Employment Opportunity, and for other purposes. After lengthy filibusters
by Democrats, the Senate bill was voted upon in the House. Democrats favored
the bill 63-37 percent, Republicans 80-20 percent.
The first time a Civil Rights Act was presented to
Congress was in 1875. Republican Congressmen Robert Brown Elliott and Josiah
Thomas Walls, both African Americans, spoke in favor of the bill in the House
of Representatives.
Congressman Walls said, "Men may concede that public
sentiment is the cause of the discrimination of which we justly complain...If
this be so, then public sentiment needs correction...Let it be understood that
individual rights are sacred and it is the duty of men, in whose hand is
trusted the destiny of the Republic, to remove from the path of upwards
progress every obstacle which may impede its advance into the future."
Frederick Douglass was the Martin Luther King of the pre
and post-Civil War period, a gifted civil rights leader who, like Martin Luther
King, straddled the ages. President Abraham Lincoln invited Douglas to the
White House because he wanted Douglas’ opinion on his second inaugural address.
It was during that speech that Lincoln quoted from the Bible and said:
“The Almighty has His
own purposes. ‘Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be
that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.’ If we
shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the
providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His
appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and
South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall
we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the
believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently
do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God
wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred
and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood
drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said
three thousand years ago, so still it must be said ‘the judgments of the Lord
are true and righteous altogether.'"
Douglas gave his approval.
The sentiments here expressed by Lincoln, engraved on the
interior North Wall of the Lincoln Memorial, were part of the marrow of Martin
Luther King’s bones when he stood on the steps of the memorial, not very far
from these very words, and thundered, at the urging of Marion Anderson:
“When we allow freedom
to ring, when we let it ring from every city and every hamlet, from every state
and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's
children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and
Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro
spiritual, “Free at last, Free at last, Great God Almighty, We are free at
last."
Martin Luther King was a Christian minister of the word whose father was a Republican.
There were some sharp differences between Martin Luther
King and Malcolm X at the time. Malcolm X was unwilling to forego violence in
response to violence exercised against African Americans, especially in places
where the Klan was still operating. After Malcolm X returned from a Hajj in
Mecca, where he had met many white Muslims and embraced Sunni Islam, his views
on racial separation underwent a change. On his return, he broke publicly
with the Nation of Islam and denounced both racism – “I did many things as a
[Black] Muslim that I'm sorry for now. I was a zombie then ... pointed in
a certain direction and told to march” -- and Nation of Islam leader Elijah
Muhammad. Malcolm X was assassinated in February, 1965 by three members of the
Nation of Islam.
The 1960s was the decade of the assassins. Just count the
corpses: President John Kennedy (November 1963), Martin Luther King (April
1965), Attorney General Robert Kennedy, (June 1968). Whatever their
differences, they all shared in common one golden perception – that real
freedom, personal liberty, may only be found on the path that leads to
self-reliance. When Malcolm X died in a hail of bullets, it was a free man who
died, and the same may be said of Martin Luther King.
So then, how goes it on the freedom and independence front
in 2014?
The figures point to a new and resilient kind of
dependency. Since the 1960s, the two mediating institutions that truly lift the
struggling poor out of poverty – work and marriage – are disappearing in the
broader culture, but in the cities they are already a ghostly presence.
In 1970, marriage throughout the United States was the
rule rather than the exception: 90 percent of women and 80 percent of men
between 25 and 29 years of age were married. The comparable figures today are
50 percent of women and 40 percent of men. It is astonishing to think that in
the 1960s fewer than 10 percent of children were born to unmarried mothers.
The poverty gap between the races has grown over the
years. Among non-Hispanic white married couples, the poverty rate is 3.2
percent, while the rate for non-married white families is seven times higher at
22.0 percent. Among Hispanic married
families, the poverty rate is 13.2 percent, while the poverty rate among
non-married families is three times higher at 37.9 percent. Among black married couples, the poverty rate is
7.0 percent, while the rate for non-married black families was seven times
higher at 35.6 percent.
The strongest and most dependable bulwarks against
poverty are solid marriages and a sound education. In
the absence of either, women are thrown into the bony arms of a solicitous state,
where they remain unawakened, doomed to a fitful and uneasy sleep, hoping that
perhaps the child of their hearts will not fall prey to the ravening wolves prowling
about the neighborhood.
It is this challenge from which
Republicans retreat when they leave what has falsely been called “social
issues” to Democrats who, since the 1960s, have shaped the unsafe at any cost social
“safety net” – especially in urban areas, where not a whisper of resistance to
Democratic hegemony is possible.
What is missing – what is needed, far more than a
crippling and false solicitude – is a Republican Party mission to the
very heart of darkness. That mission must have as its object a restoration of
those saving and mediating institutions that have always stood between children
and a soul-crippling dependency that can only be described as a milder form of
slavery, in which the futures of children are thrown upon the mercy of a state
that regards them as problems and strangers.
Comments
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What is needed it seems to me is a constitutional conservative party. Obviously, the Republican Party was not founded out of regard for the Constitution, but out of righteous anger at what it perceived to be a violation of higher law. We need a party dedicated to the notion that government is not activist, not pursuing a utopian principle such as the one found by Honest Abe in the Declaration and expounded on at Gettysburg. We need a party dedicated to a more perfect union, the establishment of justice, national defense... We need a party that adheres to the long lost notion that the federal government's powers are few and enumerated.
We agree with Willmoore Kendall that the Abe Lincoln reading of the founding, that it occurred in 1776 and was dedicated to an egalitarian principle, represents a "de-railing" of the American tradition. By the way, Kendall looks to Connecticut's Fundamental Orders as a seminal source of, or expression of, that tradition. Again, not a tradition of active government aimed at curing the world's woes, but, paraphrasing Kendall the American tradition as self-government through deliberation of a virtuous people.
Among the problems with the Abe Lincoln reading is that it has spawned and legitimized the view that America's founding was hypocritical or worse. This anti-American point of view was held by a recent Supreme Court Justice for which he was applauded by the current legal reporter for the Times. But, it's a path of never-ending revolution.
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The festivities almost, but not quite, drowned out the competing narrative, a more sober assessment of the anniversary’s meaning that Justice Thurgood Marshall, the first African-American to serve on the court, had offered a few months earlier, far from Philadelphia, at a bar meeting in Hawaii.
“The focus of this celebration invites a complacent belief that the vision of those who debated and compromised in Philadelphia yielded the ‘more perfect Union’ it is said we now enjoy,” the aging justice and hero of the civil rights movement declared, adding, “I cannot accept this invitation.” The nation the framers established, he went on, “was defective from the start, requiring several amendments, a civil war, and momentous social transformation to attain the system of constitutional government, and its respect for the individual freedoms and human rights, we hold as fundamental today.”
The anniversary didn’t merit “flag-waving fervor,” he said. Rather, the proper way to mark the day would be to “quietly commemorate the suffering, struggle and sacrifice that has triumphed over much of what was wrong with the original document, and observe the anniversary with hopes not realized and promises not fulfilled.” Lacking that perspective, Justice Marshall concluded, “the odds are that for many Americans the bicentennial celebration will be little more than a blind pilgrimage to the shrine of the original document now stored in a vault at the National Archives.”http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/26/opinion/greenhouse-a-work-still-in-progress.html?ref=opinion&_r=0