Nationally, most Republican election analysts called it
wrong. Moments following the election,
Dick Morris repented in sackcloth and ashes. He had missed
something that one might call the New Democratic Majority, which is on the order
of missing Gibraltar while sailing the southern end of the Iberian Peninsula:
“By the time you finish with the various demographic groups the Democrats win, you almost have a majority in their corner. Count them: Blacks cast 13% of the vote and Obama won them 12-1. Latinos cast 10% and Obama carried them by 7-3. Under 30 voters cast 19% of the vote and Obama swept them by 12-7. Single white women cast 18% of the total vote and Obama won them by 12-6. There is some overlap among these groups, of course, but without allowing for any, Obama won 43-17 before the first married white woman or man over 30 cast their vote. (Lets guess that if we eliminate duplication, the Obama margin would be 35-13) Having conceded these votes, Romney would have had to win over two-thirds of the rest of the vote to win. He almost did. But not quite.”
Behold the New Democratic Majority – Blacks, Latinos, voters
under 30 and single white women allured by Obama’s promise of a Planned
Parenthood abortion center in every pot.
Sean Trende’s analysis in Real Clear Politics is much
different than Morse’s. Trende does not deny the importance of capturing neglected
minorities but, he points out, Romney’s challenge suffered most from a lack of white voters.
The imminent arrival of what Republicans used to call, a
note of disapproval in their tone, the Nanny State -- a federal government
octopus that wipes every tear with dollars taken from the idle rich while
directing the flow of business in what has been quaintly called the private
economy -- is supposed to hold this alliance together.
Parts of the alliance will fall away as the country limps
along on crutches that date from the election of 1912, the high tide of the
Progressive assault on common sense and the entrepreneurial spirit of the
country. One likes to think that the
powers of resistance of the average American to warmed over socialist schemes
floating in the brain of Eugene Debs will survive the next four years in good
repair; we are not Venezuela yet, even though Hugo Chavez, along with the
progressive President of Russia Vladimir Putin, has given the thumbs up to
Obama, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid, all promoters of the New Democratic
Majority. The New Democratic Majority has been forged in the crucible of
Chicago politics. Whether all or some of
its component parts will survive after Mr. Obama and Mr. Axelrod leave the
scene is very much an open question.
On the home front, Connecticut, far more than the national
government, has become a one-party state. The template for the one party state
may be found both in Venezuela and Connecticut’s major cities, Bridgeport
serving as the state’s Ohio. As Connecticut’s major cities go, so goes the
state.
Polls show that Dannel Malloy, the first Democratic governor
in Connecticut since the administration of former Governor William O’Neill and
the architect of the largest tax increase in state history, remains
unpopular. However, voters who prefer an
“Anyone but Malloy” candidate in 2014 may be looking at a “No Exit” sign. The
governor has put together his own “New Connecticut Democratic Majority.” And
the way in which his last budget was passed leaves little room for doubt that Mr.
Malloy can cobble together a tax and spending plan without including the
state’s Republican minority in the General Assembly. The architects of
Connecticut’s last budget were Malloy and his Malloyalists, a Democratic
majority in the General Assembly that pre-approved Mr. Malloy’s first budget
and then invested the governor with plenipotentiary powers to readjust it, and state
unions, dubbed by this writer at the time as Connecticut’s “third political
party.”
Connecticut Democrats need surpluses to keep tax consumers
well fed and to convince those unfamiliar with the way economies actually
perform in the real world that the governor can easily create jobs by giving
away millions in tax dollars to large profitable companies adept at crony
capitalist bribery.
The jobs Mr. Malloy has claimed to produce in Connecticut do
not grow on a jobs tree in the governor’s mansion adjacent to the money tree
from which the governor, the Malloyalists and Democratic progressives in the
state legislature pluck their millions to support grateful crony capitalists.
Every dollar consumed in Connecticut taxes is a bucket of water taken from the
deep end of the pool and poured into the shallow end by political shysters who
hope to convince a majority of voters that the operation will increase the net
amount of water in the pool, thus opening the door to unparalleled prosperity.
The surpluses Democrats will need to perpetuate this
political fraud must come from somewhere, and taxpayers in Connecticut, already
saddled with the largest tax increase in state history, cannot afford further increases – which means Mr. Malloy and the Democrats will do one of two things
come budget time: either slash spending deeply, not likely, or pass on the tax
burden to municipalities by cutting state support.
The loyal opposition in the General Assembly should begin
soon to confront the imposture. They have only their chains to lose, and a
world to win.
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