State Representative
Gail Lavielle has a way of speaking plainly to her constituents on important
issues that even a tax hungry legislator might appreciate.
In a letter to the
editor of the Westport Daily Voice, Mrs. Lavielle acknowledges that most people
in Connecticut think their property taxes are too high, and she then proceeds to lash “SB1, An Act Concerning Tax Fairness and Economic Development.” Just as House Bill 6815 since modified after scrutiny by Mrs. Lavielle, was a land grab, so SB1 is a tax grab.
“So just imagine how you would feel if a portion of your local property
taxes were diverted to other towns, and then, at the same time, you had to pay
even higher local taxes to maintain your town’s or city’s services.
Unfortunately, this could happen if a bill now under consideration in the
General Assembly passes during this legislative session.
“SB1, An Act Concerning Tax Fairness and Economic Development, has been raised by the legislature’s Planning and Development Committee. If it becomes law, it would create a new regional layer of taxing authority and bureaucracy in Connecticut. Connecticut residents expect to pay taxes to their state and federal governments and to see them used to fund activities, services and structures outside of their hometowns. Local property taxes, however, are different. While local property taxes are burdensome for many, residents have at least had the assurance that they would be used to pay for services in their own towns or cities. This bill, however, would create a new level of government that would absorb a portion of these local taxes and then allocate the funds to other cities or towns.”
“Tax fairness” is the
flag progressives hoist over every attempt to make taxes more progressive, once
they’ve increased them. Redistribution is the essence of progressivism, and in
this instance property taxes are made more progressive when a state agency
collects a portion of the tax and redistributes its take from more wealthy to
less wealthy towns, hence the title of the bill, “… An Act Concerning Tax
Fairness…”
When the “new
regional layer of taxing authority and bureaucracy in Connecticut” appropriates
a portion of town taxes levied in Town A in order to distribute the municipal
taxes it collects to Town B, the new taxing authority in essence forces Town A
to raise its property tax to maintain the municipality’s current level of
services; at the same time, the taxing authority provides an opportunity for
town B to reduce its taxes, an eventuality on a par with Earth colliding with
Mars. The implication is that “tax fairness” requires a redistribution of
resources from tax rich to tax poor municipalities.
There are two unacknowledged
points that should be made: 1) The mill rates in cities, considered poor, are
much higher than in the most gilded of gold coast towns. Property taxes are
determined by multiplying the assessed value of the property by the mill rate
-- $1.00 of tax for each $1,000 of assessment – and dividing the total by
1,000. The mill rate in Greenwich is 10.969, while the mill rate in Hartford is
74.29, many times greater. Our Capitol city, to choose one of the Big 3 urban
centers in Connecticut is not tax poor. Were the city tax poor, it would not
have spent millions of dollars luring a baseball team from New Britain to Hartford.
2) A redistribution, if such is
necessary, can be accomplished on the distribution end of the present system. The state in fact does
distribute more tax money to poorer rather than richer municipalities, much of
it being spent on public school employee salaries; so that any additional redistribution
mechanism would seem to be redundant. If the state of Connecticut wishes to
distribute more in state aid to Hartford than Greenwich, it does not need SB1
to do it.
SB1 is a tax grab
promoted by tax hungry progressive politicians in the General Assembly, the hungriest,
foxiest and most duplicitous of whom is President Pro Tem of the State Senate
Martin Looney of New Haven, one of Connecticut’s Big 3 urban centers.
At some point, the
big spenders may – or may not – meet their match in Governor Dannel Malloy who,
after levying upon his state the largest tax increase in its history, now seems
to be impatient with talk of further revenue enhancements. The budget sent by
Mr. Malloy to the General Assembly, dominated by members of his party, does
include additional revenue enhancements of some $800 million, which is nearly a
billion more than his campaign promises had suggested he would be willing to
impose on his already overburdened state. During both his first and his second
gubernatorial campaign, Mr. Malloy gave everyone to understand that his first
tax bump would set the parameters of future budgets; henceforward, the state
was to live within its means. His parameters were to be taken seriously.
So far, Mr. Malloy
has not said he would veto any future revenue enhancements. The promise of a
veto – like the possibility of execution in the morning – would wonderfully
clear the minds of tax starved Democrats in the General Assembly and permit the
body to concentrate on spending cuts.
Comments
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As with the land use matter the State is already a bad actor in the local tax/local service context. Local taxes at present pay for the most sacrosanct of (only apparently) local services; State of Connecticut district schools. The State is happy to foster the illusion in the minds of folks from Westport that they actually control the schools rather than merely pay for them with locally imposed property taxes. I'm pretty confident that the quality of education imparted to kids in Staples High is nowhere near as good as it was decades ago, but imagine what the test scores would look like if there were open immigration from Bridgeport.
It is true as you note that Hartford's mil rate is high, but it isn't applied to residences. And, in Hartford the idea that the schools are locally controlled has little appeal or power; everyone knows that the State/Feds provide half of the City's revenue. The redistribution thing is already going on. I mean no disrespect, well maybe a little, to the town in which I attended elementary school when I say that Connecticut has, with its egalitarian ideology, its districting of public education, its public housing, and its land use controls created a system whereby the people of Westport pay the people of Bridgeport to stay out of Westport.
I further hasten to say that I don't know Mrs. Lavielle, but I am inclined as a matter of prejudice to discriminate in her favor based on her photographic image and her resume. She's certainly overqualified for dealing with the likes of my Representative, someone known as Minnie Gonzales.
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While a PhD candidate, she taught undergraduate courses at the University of Connecticut (UConn), and holds an MA in French from Yale, a BA in English from Cornell University, and an MBA in finance from UConn. As a music critic, her reviews appeared in The Wall Street Journal and other publications; she is also the author of a book on opera.[2]
Thet them pay the consequences of their electoral ineptitude.
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Right; like the Geico commercial wherein the guy thinking he's "sticking it to the man" is reminded that he is the man so he's "sticking it to himself." Schadenfreude is really only enjoyable when the you don't share the other guy's suffering. But why are we here in tiny little Nutmegistan divided one group against another, suburbia against the cities? Is this the Connecticut tradition handed down to us from Thomas Hooker and Associates when they settled here and instituted self-government? Did they assert that diversity was their strength, demand that we show sincere affection for the rainbow coalition? Did they suggest we needed "affirmative action" for transgendered Islamists?
Public policy shouldn't be guided by our dislike of particular groups, even if white liberals richly deserve it. On the other hand, public policy shouldn't be guided by our ostensible affection for minority groups or concern for their interests. I propose two policies that may or may not be liked by the denizens of the "Gold Coast." The police power will no longer be used to prohibit multi-family dwellings in a particular municipality (or zone). The State government will no longer administer schools through districts that just happen to coincide with municipal boundaries; in fact, districts will be done away with by giving vouchers to individual students. Discrimination on the basis of intelligence will not be prohibited in private schools, nor will discrimination of any kind be prohibited in the transfer of real property.
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Tammany Hall, also known as the Society of St. Tammany, the Sons of St. Tammany, or the Columbian Order, was a New York City political organization founded in 1786 and incorporated on May 12, 1789, as the Tammany Society. It was the Democratic Party political machine that played a major role in controlling New York City and New York State politics and helping immigrants, most notably the Irish, rise up in American politics from the 1790s to the 1960s. It typically controlled Democratic Party nominations and political patronage in Manhattan from the mayoral victory of Fernando Wood in 1854 and used its patronage resources to build a loyal, well-rewarded core of district and precinct leaders; after 1850 the great majority were Irish Catholics.